On Friday, October 25, I was at Middlebury College in Vermont, for the annual International Political Economy symposium on “The Euro at 20: Past, Present, and Future.” I was one of three keynote speakers, presenting on “Europe’s (euro) Crisis of Legitimacy and the Populist Backlash.” The other speakers were historian Harold James (Princeton), and economist Thierry Warin (Skema Business School).
On Wednesday Oct 23, I was the featured speaker for a webinar of the RECONNECT Horizon 2020 project. The event had approximately 100 registrations, with approximately following the event live. Using PowerPoint, I presented my forthcoming book with Oxford University Press: Europe’s Crisis of Legitimacy: Governing by Rules and Ruling by Numbers in the Eurozone.
In the webinar I discuss how the EU’s (euro) crisis of legitimacy centers on problems related to (a lack of) policy effectiveness, political responsiveness, and procedural quality. I also contend that in pursuit of legitimacy as much as in response to deteriorating economics and increasing political volatility, EU institutional actors—ECB, Council, Commission, and EP—incrementally reinterpreted the rules and recalibrated the numbers ‘by stealth,’ that is, without admitting it in their public discourse. To theorize about such processes of ideational innovation and discursive legitimation during the Eurozone crisis, I use the neo-institutionalist framework of discursive institutionalism. Prof.Kolja Raube(Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, KU Leuven) served as discussant. The webinar was moderated by Alex Andrione-Moylan(Leuven Centre for Global Governance Studies, KU Leuven).
On Monday, October 22, I took part in a European Economic Policy Forum event at Harvard’s Center for European Studies. The discussion, entitled “Europe’s Travails: Forging a French-German Response in an Era of Transatlantic Disequilibrium,” was sponsored by the European Economic Policy Forum with the support o the Cultural Services of the French Embassy in the United States. The panel, consisting of Henrik Enderlein, President and Professor of Political Economy, Hertie School; Jean Pisani-Ferry,Senior Professor of Economics and Public Management, Hertie School; Senior Fellow, Bruegel; Jeffrey Frankel,James W. Harpel Professor of Capital Formation and Growth, Harvard Kennedy School, and myself, explored the implications of the divisions in Europe over issues such as migration and border control, fiscal policy and rule of law, among others, on le couple franco-allemand.
I am thrilled to share that I have been named as one of the 100 currently most-cited scholars, the 25 most-cited in my PhD cohort, and the 40 most-cited women scholars by PS: Political Science & Politics, one of the American Political Science Association’s official journals.
The Political Science 400 “identifies the 400 most highly cited scholars in the profession who are currently teaching at PhD-granting departments in the United States, with their primary appointment in that department, by tallying the citations to lifetime bodies of work in all journals and books. It includes citation data from when scholars began receiving citations to their most recent work.”
I gave a talk last week on “The Rise of Populism” as part of WorldBoston’s Great Decisions series. The series is the largest nonpartisan public education program on international affairs in the world. Created in the 1950s by the Foreign Policy Association, a sister World Affairs Council, Great Decisions engages citizens in learning about critical global issues and U.S. foreign policy.
You can watch the talk here:
I covered a range of topics including how mass migration and the problems associated with it have directly abetted the rise of populist parties in Europe. I also looked at how opposition to immigration became the prime driver of support for Brexit, brought a far-right party to the German Bundestag for the first time since the 1950s, and propelled Marine Le Pen to win a third of the vote in the French presidential elections. In addition to calling for stronger borders, these parties are invariably illiberal, anti-American, anti-NATO and pro-Kremlin, making their rise a matter of serious concern for the national security interests of the United States.
WorldBoston fosters engagement in international affairs and cooperation with peoples of all nations. Through nationally-recognized global engagement and citizen diplomacy programs and community events, every year WorldBoston provides people from all over the world – and people right here – hundreds of opportunities for learning and connection. The WorldBoston community includes professionals in every field, including government, business, media, education, science, and the arts; young people; and citizen diplomats.
The summer of 2019 was a busy one! I was a speaker on the panel “Populism in Europe: Fears and Hopes, Causes and Results” for the conference on “Populist Narratives” at the University of Wroclaw in Wroclaw, Poland May 23, 2019. The day before my conference presentation, I held discussions with students and activists at the University of Wroclaw on “How to understand contemporary Poland—Roots of Changes and Its Implications,” as well as on “Populism in Poland—A Trend, Episode, or Hoax?”
I gave a talk entitled “Europe’s (Euro) Crisis of Legitimacy” at IBEI, the Barcelona Institute of International Studies, in Barcelona, June 3, 2019. I argued that the EU’s (euro) crisis of legitimacy centers on problems related to (a lack of) policy effectiveness, political responsiveness, and procedural quality. It is my contention that in pursuit of legitimacy as much as in response to deteriorating economics and increasing political volatility, EU institutional actors—ECB, Council, Commission, and EP—incrementally reinterpreted the rules and recalibrated the numbers ‘by stealth,’ that is, without admitting it in their public discourse. To theorize about such processes of ideational innovation and discursive legitimation during the Eurozone crisis, I employ the neo-institutionalist framework of discursive institutionalism.
Shortly thereafter, on June 27, 2019, I gave the Keynote Speech on “Crisis and the Future of Democracy” at the conference “Crisis Management and Democracy in EU and Latin America: Lessons Learned.” It was the final event of the Jean Monnet Networks program held by ELIAMEP, the Athens think-tanks, in Athens. I argued that the EU’s debt crisis was not only a political and economic crisis but a crisis of legitimacy and the democracy. This raises a two-fold question for the future of democracy in Europe: 1) How will the Eurozone be governed in ways that will lead to the resolution of the economic problems? and 2) How will that be feasible in a manner that will enhance democratic legitimacy at both the European and national levels?”
I’m thrilled to announce that on Friday May 10, I was awarded the European Union Studies Association’s Lifetime Contribution Award, which is conferred on a scholar once every two years at the Association’s biannual meeting—this year in Denver, Colorado. The association is the largest such association bringing together scholars who work on the European Union. The award honors a scholar in the field of EU studies whose lifetime of research and writing have been important, enduring, and widely felt influences on EU scholarship.
There was also a keynote panel on Saturday May 11, assembled to honor my work on the occasion of the lifetime achievement award from EUSA – with Abe Newman, Professor at Georgetown; Kalypso Nicolaidis, Professor at Oxford University; Tanja Börzel, Professor the Free University of Berlin; Alberta Sbragia, Professor at Pittsburgh University; George Ross, Emeritus Professor at Brandeis; and Matthias Matthijs, Assistant Professor at Johns Hopkins U.
I was in Copenhagen last week (March 28-29, 2019) to give a presentation on “Politics and Organization in the Eurozone Crisis: Does the Politicization of Organizational Interaction make for more or less legitimacy?” at an inaugural workshop on Rethinking Politics in Organization at the Copenhagen Business School.
I was one of three keynote speakers to present work relevant to questions pertaining to politics in organization studies, how politics organizes an electorate in ways that produce populist leaders, nationalisms, etc. How to explain Trump, Erdogan, Orbán, Johnson, or Le Pen? What resources are there in organization studies to develop an understanding of politics, or what we might call politics-in-organization? What role does management or entrepreneurship play in these wider social and political forces? What role the corporation, the family firm, the military? And what of the grounding organizational configurations of technology?
The workshop launches a three-year program of activities devoted to the development of politics in organization studies, or ‘organizational politics’. The purpose of the gathering was to make connections between people interested in the broad area of politics and organization and to explore joint interests, develop concepts and novel perspectives, and build topics and reading lists for research and future seminars.
This morning I gave a keynote lecture on “Europe’s Crisis of Legitimacy: Governing by Rules and Ruling by Numbers in the Eurozone” for the EU Horizon 2020 research network RECONNECT at the Norwegian Embassy’s Norway House in Brussels.
Although ‘Brexit’ and the refugee crisis have grabbed today’s headlines, the European Union’s sovereign debt crisis continues. The Eurozone’s comparatively poor economic performance and continued political divisiveness have combined with processes focused on ‘governing by rules and ruling by numbers’ to generate an on-going crisis not just of economics and politics but also of democratic legitimacy. I argue that the EU’s (euro) crisis of legitimacy centers on problems related to (a lack of) policy effectiveness, political responsiveness, and procedural quality. But she also contends that in pursuit of legitimacy as much as in response to deteriorating economics and increasing political volatility, EU institutional actors—ECB, Council, Commission, and EP—incrementally reinterpreted the rules and recalibrated the numbers ‘by stealth,’ that is, without admitting it in their public discourse. To theorize about such processes of ideational innovation and discursive legitimation during the Eurozone crisis, I use the neo-institutionalist framework of discursive institutionalism.