Democratizing the Eurozone

In recent months, more and more attention has been focused on the failure of the Eurozone leaders’ policies of fiscal consolidation, with growth presented as the alternative. The problems for the Eurozone stem not just from the policies, however.  They also come from the governance processes and the politics—or lack thereof.

The main problem for EU democracy lies in decision-making processes that have increasingly combined excessive intergovernmentalism with technocracy. The European Council’s monopoly on Eurozone crisis decision-making has not just unbalanced the long-standing relationship among EU institutions. Its intergovernmental decision-making has also reduced itself largely to the Franco-German couple—or only to Germany.  This has skewed the process toward the almost exclusive consideration of national interests, negotiating strength, or even momentary whimsy of two EU leaders—or only one. It also enhances the lack of transparency in decision-making, increases concerns about accountability, and further alienates European publics who wonder what has been going on behind the closed doors of the Council.

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Comment on French elections

The presidential elections in France, the legislative elections in Greece, and the regional elections in Germany together mark a turning point for the EU. The results make clear that, despite their differences, European voters all share a common view that current leaders are not delivering. In France and Greece, voters want an end to unending austerity that doesn’t work.

But whereas France’s second round of the Presidential elections brought into power a Socialist government that can govern, and govern to the center, Greece’s election put into place a legislature even more divided than the first. The presence of extremist parties on the right and the left also cast further doubts on the country’s governability. The German elections, with the rise of the Pirates party and the defeat of the Liberal Democrats, Merkel’s coalition partner, suggest that even voters in this country are fed up with policies that don’t work.

Let us hope that the new French President Hollande will be able to work sufficiently well with the continuing German Chancellor Merkel to produce new policies that will convince the markets that the Eurozone will finally do enough to promote growth, with all the backstops necessary, whatever happens with Greece.

Link:

Voter Anger Sweeps France (Wall Street Journal, May 7, 2012)

French Presidential Election 2012 in a Divided Europe

Jolyon Howorth and I were on “Sounds of Dissent” on WZBC 90.3 FM Boston on Saturday, May 5, 2012 discussing the run off elections in France.

[Link to program]

L’élection présidentielle française: une élection cruciale pour l’Europe

Here’s a comment I co-authored with Maxime Lefebvre for Le Monde online (in French).

Thinking about the Eurozone as a Bar …

David Brancaccio of American Public Media’s Marketplace Morning Report picks up on my remarks at Brown University’s Watson Institute conference on “The Failure of the Euro.” [Transcript]

The French Presidential Elections on China Radio International

The French people go to the polls on Sunday in the first round of the country’s presidential elections. While ten candidates are in the running, it is the ongoing battle between incumbent President and ruling party head Nicolas Sarkozy and Socialist rival Francois Hollande that is garnering the most attention.

On Thursday, April 19, 2012, I took part in an an hour-long discussion of the French presidential elections on China Radio International. Joining me were Jolyon Howorth, Professor of Political Science at Yale University, and Sebastien Ricci, a French journalist based in Beijing.

[weblink to show]

Today” broadcasts live Monday to Friday on Beyond Beijing. We hold in-depth panel discussions on domestic and global news and current affairs to give the story behind the headlines. Expert guests from around the world share their views and debate the issues to give the locally-produced show international flavor.

The European Project: Can Europe Survive the Euro?

On Tuesday, April 17, 2012, I participated in a roundtable discussion on The European Project:  Can Europe Survive the Euro? as part of a larger conference entitled “The Failure of the Euro? Causes and Consequences for Europe and Beyond.” The event was sponsored by the Watson Institute for International Studies and the Rhodes Center for International Economics at Brown University. Martin Wolf of the Financial Times was the keynote speaker.  Other participants included Alfred Gusenbauer, the former Chancellor of Austria, and Romano Prodi,  the former Prime Minister of Italy.

What Europe needs most is better leadership: Remarks at “Renaissance for Europe” event

On March 16-17, I participated in a series of discussions on the theme “Democratic Europe” at the Cirque d’Hiver where high-level European political leaders were united around François Hollande, candidate of the Parti Socialiste for the French presidential elections. The event was organized as part of a larger initiative called “Rebirth for Europe for a common progressive vision” launched by the Foundation for European Progressive Studies, Fondation Jean-Jaurès, Fondazione Italianieuropei and Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, following the three electoral campaigns in France, Germany and Italy. Our goal was a common declaration for the construction of a political, economic, social and ecological alternative for the European Union.

Please visit the “Renaissance for Europe” website for more information as well as links to the speeches by European Social Democratic leaders. And click here to read my remarks.

Europe 2012: The Devil Is in the Details

The big question for the EU in 2012 is not only: “will it solve the debt crisis?” It is also: “will it survive the solution?” Lurking behind the debt crisis is a growth crisis, in particular with austerity policies imposed across Member States, along with a competitiveness crisis for Southern Europe. These three crises will fester even if the debt-related one were to be resolved by the “big bazookas”.

So how does the EU restart growth across Europe and rebuild competitiveness in the South, in particular in light of a “fiscal compact” that prescribes one-size-fits-all budgetary austerity for all euro zone members? The devil is in the details – and those details involve not just economics but also governance and politics.

The full version of this article was published as a BEPA Monthly Brief (BEPA Monthly No. 52) and is available on the European Commission’s BEPA (Bureau of European Policy Advisors) website. [Download PDF]

Partial EU Pact Reached

There’s a joke told about Gorbachev who, when asked to say one word about the state of the Soviet economy responded: GOOD. When asked for two words: NOT GOOD. The same could be said about the agreement reached Friday. The agreement is good in that the pact on fiscal union gives the ECB what it needs to become a lender of last resort if and when it becomes necessary. Good in that progress was made with regard to increasing the firepower of the loan guarantee mechanisms, the EFSF and ESM. Good in that it did not give Cameron the concessions for the CITY in exchange for his buying in. However, the agreement is not good in that it did not even consider euro-bonds or any other form of pooling member-state debt. It is not good with regard to the substance of the fiscal union, which is all about austerity, with nothing to promote growth. And there is nothing on political union. We remain with technocratic oversight of member-state budgets, and intergovernmental bargains. With no thought to building in democratic legitimacy, say, through European Parliamentary involvement. If the fiscal union fails to promote growth, can EU leaders really expect fellow leaders to toe the line when national publics are out protesting in the street, asking why their leaders are cutting budgets more, rather than trying to relaunch the economy?

Link:

Tensions Rise at EU Summit (Wall Street Journal 12/9/11)